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WENDELL PHILLIPS IN FANEUIL HALL. 



F 375 



SPEECH ON LOUISIANA DIFFICULTIES. 



iCopy 1 REVISED AND ENLARGED BY HIMSELF. 



The President said : The question is on the adoption of the 
resolutions. 

At this point there were loud cries of " Phillips," intended 
to induce Mr. Wendell Phillips, who sat in the gallery, to 
speak. Mr. Phillips stood up. The cries of "Phillips" and 
" Question " continued for a long time, until the President of 
the meetinoj interfered to restore order. Having been suc- 
cessful in this, the President said : — 

Fellow-citizens: We are assembled in Faneuil Hall to 
discuss great public questions. The meeting is open to any. 
citizen who wishes to give us his advice. (Cries of " Good.") 
Whoever chooses to speak shall be heard, if the chairman 
has the confidence of the meeting. 

After these remarks, Mr. Phillips, in his place in the 
gallery, said: "Mr. Chairman," and was about to continue, 
when there were loud cries of " Platform." Mr. Phillips 
hesitated, but the Chairman having beckoned to him, he 
descended to the platform, in the midst of tremendous 
applause and every expression of enthusiasm. As he stepped 
upon the platform three cheers were given for him, and there 
were some hisses. He said : — 

SPEECH BY WENDELL PUH^LIPS. 

Mr. Chairman and Fellow-citizens: I came here this 
morning because I saw in the journals that the voice of 
BostoH was to be uttered, through Faneuil Hall, on the great 




57^ 2 .-^~ 

.ttional question. The citizens of Boston were summoned to 
'record her verdict on the conduct of the Executive of the 
United States. I looked over the list of gentlemen who 
summoned to Faneuil Hall the people of Boston, asking my- 
self, If this be the voice of Boston, who are the Boston 
men that summon us to this expression of Boston opinion ? 
Who are the men that vote and pay taxes here, and bear the 
shame or the glory of being citizens of Boston, that summon 
this meeting? 

The first named is Charles Francis Adams of Quincy 
(tremendous applause), a very worthy gentleman, but he 
votes in Quincy. (Great confusion here prevailed.) If you 
will only hear me, you will see that I mean no disrespect to 
Mr. Adams or any other signer. (Cries of "You can't," and 
" Hear him.") I say that Mr. Adams — allow me to speak — 
that Mr. Adams — (applause and confusion) — if you will 
only hear me, gentlemen, we shall save time. I have no 
intention — 

Here the noise was so great that Mr. Phillips could not be 
heard, and the President arose to restore order. So great, 
however, was the noise, the words " Question " and " Free 
Speech " being shouted on all sides, that for some time the 
President could say nothing. At length the noise subsided 
to a certain extent, and the President said : "Fellow-citizens, 
hear Mr. Phillips ; hear anybody and everybody who wishes 
to speak in Faneuil Hall. Be patient and give them your 
ears, and finally, vote according to your own judgment." 
The words were received with great applause, and Mr. 
Phillips continued. He said : — 

I observed on this list, gentlemen, the names of worthy 
citizens from Salem, and Plymouth, and Quincy, and Wor- 
cester, Cambridge and elsewhere ; but I called up to my 
memory the hundi'ed men — lawyers, merchants, clergymen 
and editors — who, in the judgment of the world, would be 
understood to represent the city of Boston. (Applause.) And 
I aflfirm, fellow-citizens, that if you presented this call to 






that hundred men, ninety of them would refuse to sign it. 

^ ^' (Applause and hisses, and cries of " Get out," &c.) Their 

^^ names are not on this Call. (A voice, "That's a lie.") No, 

^ I deny it. (Confusion and cries of" Order.") I have been 

in Faneuil Hall before. Now, fellow-citizens, all I ask-is this — 

(a voice, " You agree with Grant") — all I ask is this : When 

gentlemen come here to express the voice of Boston, and 

have not the name of a leading clergyman or lawyer — (cries 

of "Beecher," " Iniidel," " Question/' " Who wrote the letter 

for Boston?" "What kind of a letter was it?" "Read the 

letter to Belknap," "Free speech," &c). 

Mr. Phillips continued : Fellow-citizens, pray hear me — 
(a voice, "Three cheers for Phillips the builder.") 

The President said : Brothers and fellow-citizens, hear me ; 
I appeal to you as citizens of Boston to listen with patience 
to anything that is to be said. I have no reason to suppose 
that Mr. Phillips will say anything that will offend your sense 
of right and justice. (A voice, " No, sir.") But if he should 
do so, the power of the vote is in your hands — ("Yes") — 
and you can exercise it then ; but hear him, I beg you hear 
him. 

Mr. Phillips — The inference, fellow-citizens, that I draw 
firom the quality of the Call is this : In formal resolutions 
which ax'e to go forth from such a meeting, practically, what- 
ever be the actual fact, as the voice largely of Boston, it be- 
comes, gentlemen, standing so alone, to be peculiarly careful 
in the facts which they assert and the inferences which they 
draw. Because in the absence of Dana, and Abbott, and 
Bigelow, and Bartlett and their fellows, the legal profession 
is not here ; in the absence of the merchants of State Street, 
with half-a-dozen exceptions, the commerce of Boston is not 
here ; in the absence of every clergyman who votes in this 
city, the pulpit is not here ("That's so"), and therefore I 
say (hisses), gentlemen, that it becomes you to exercise 
extraordinary caution (cries of "Free speech," in the midst 
of noisy demonstrations) that the facts which you state in 



such a position, and the inferences which you make, are care- 
ful and guarded. 

Now, gentlemen — (A voice, "Give us your opinion, 
quick.") Please be silent, while I try to make what reply I 
can to the statements of these eloquent gentlemen who have 
preceded me. And you will allow me to say, first, that the 
term " citizen of the United States " is not mere verbiage ; it 
has a meaning, a substantial meaning. To be a citizen of 
the United States is a great privilege ; it carries with it in- 
violable rights. Every man, rightfully claiming that character, 
is entitled to the efficient protection of the National Govern- 
ment, is he not? (" Yes, yes.") Very well ; no man doubts 
that when the United States citizen in question is in a foreign 
land — When Algiers trampled on a citizen of the United 
States (a voice, "Dr. Howe"), Commodore Decatur, with 
guns shotted to the lips, taught the Dey his lesson. Ingra- 
ham taught Austria the same lesson, and we have had some- 
thing of that kind to do in Cuba. Now, gentlemen, what I 
say is that a citizen of the United States in Massachusetts, 
or Louisiana, is as much entitled to the protection of the 
nation, as is a citizen of the United States in Japan. Is 
he not? (Cries of " Yes.") 

When the negro in the Southern States hauled from his 
house and about to be shot ; when a white Republican 
caught in some county in Alabama and about to be assassi- 
nated- — ("That's a lie," applause and hisses), — looks around 
on the State government about him and sees no protection, — 
none whatever, for white or black, — has he not a full right, 
an emphatic right, to say to the National Government at 
Washington, "Find or make a way to protect me, for I am a 
citizen of the United States?" (Applause; and a voice, 
"No, no, that's not the point.") Very well, gentlemen, I 
want you to bear that text in mind as I go on. (Cries of 
" Question," " Question.") 

In 1872, the Government at Washington recognized the 
government of Governor Kellogg of Louisiana. (Cries of 



"Shame on it.") It is not for you or me to-day to say 
whether they did wisely or not. (At this point Mr. Phillips 
took off his overcoat, which act caused a great deal of noise 
and enthusiasm.) The President of the United States had 
no alternative. (Hisses and cries.) Congress would do 
nothing ; neither the Senate nor the House would act ; your 
Congress was dumb ; it would not take a step in any direc- 
tion. ("That's so.") There stood the President of the 
United States, what was he to do? (A voice, "Smoke a 
cigar.") I have just brought it to your attention that the 
citizen of the United States has a right to look up to him and 
say: "By your oath of office, protect me." (A voice, 
" Yes, he never did.") Now Congress would do nothing. 
There was the State of Louisiana going to pieces ; Grant 
recognized Kellogg as governor, as he must recognize some- 
body. (Laughter and sneers.) If he usurped power, or 
made a mistake, remember, gentlemen, for two long years 
Congress has never rebuked him, nor corrected his errors. 
They have tried again and again to come to some conclusion 
on the Louisiana question, but they could not, and there 
stood the Executive ; he must act ; there was no choice ; he 
had got to act; the law must be executed. (A voice, 
" What law ? ") Why, the law of the United States to pro- 
tect its citizens. He did what he was compelled to do. 
Driven to that position — shut up to it — give him your sym- 
pathy. When the assembled wisdom of the nation con- 
fessed that it could see no satisfactory step to take, then have 
fair consideration for the man who was obliged by his oath of 
office to walk forward and meet his responsibilities. At 
least, when he has again and again, and again, besought Con- 
gress to relieve him of the burden, don't charge him with 
intent to usurp power. (Applause, and cries of "No.") 

Oh, you know I am not a Grant man. (A voice, " You 
are on the wrong tack.") I am not a partisan on the one 
side or the other. I never threw a vote in my life ; never 
held an office, and never expect to. But I tell you that in 



6 



September last this recognized government, this Kellogg, 
whom Congress would not disavow, whom the President was 
forced to recognize, sends to Washington, strictly according to 
the Constitution, — the Legislature not being in session, — and 
says to General Grant : "Domestic violence threatens to subvert 
the government." Well, now, gentlemen, be patient. Look 
at it like sensible men. Grant cannot doubt that statement, 
go behind it, or inquire into its truth. Suppose that Gov- 
ernor Gaston should send a message to Washington to-day, 
and tell the President of a certain condition of affairs in 
Massachusetts. The President cannot go behind it ; he can- 
not see anybody but Gaston ; he has no right to do so. 
(Sneers and laughter.) 

You remember the old story in Charles the First's day, 
when the King went into the House of Commons — other 
gentlemen have referred to it — and wanted to see the five 
members, and asked the Speaker where is so and so, and 
the Speaker knelt down and said : " May it please your 
Majesty, I cannot answer the question, because I have no 
right to speak anything that the House does not tell me to 
say." It is exactly so that the President is situated with 
regard to Louisiana matters. If Governor Gaston should 
make a statement to him, he is to take it for granted ; he 
cannot go behind it." (Cries of " No," " No.") Kellogg thus 
calls upon him, and Grant goes in September to Louisiana. 
The streets are running with blood. (Laughter and hisses 
long continued. Cries, "Oh!" "Too thin," groans, &c.) 

Gentlemen, I did not say that ; that is what Mr. Salton- 
stall, of Salem, said. (Cries of "No," "No.") And the 
gentleman from Quincy said so. He confessed that there 
was disorder enough in New Orleans to demand national 
interference. (Loud hisses and expressions of disgust.) 
Now, gentlemen, be patient. You are American citizens, 
and you have grave questiofis to discuss. If the govern- 
ment — if the nation — is once rightfully inside of a State, 
on the call of its constitutional authority, when is it to go 



out? I ask any lawyer when is it to go out ? Why, it is 
to go out, of course, when the domestic disturbance is 
quelled, not befoi'e. (Cries of "That is so.") That is so, 
exactly. Now, gentlemen, consider a moment ; I will be 
very quick. (Cries of " Hurry up.") The next question is, 
Who is to decide that point? (A voice, "The people."^ 
Agreed. Whenever the legislature assembles in that State, 
and says to the National Government, " We are at peace, go 
out," why, out you go. When the Governor says to the 
national authority, "We have done with you, go," they are 
bound to go." In ordinary cases such would undoubtedly be 
the rule. 

But suppose now — hear me, please, these are very grave 
questions — just suppose this case, that neither the governor 
nor the legislature makes any such affirmation, how is the 
President to know when to go ? He must exercise his own 
judgment. (A voice, "He dosen't know anything at all.") 

Remember these are questions of constitutional law, and 
they must be met. (Cries of "Good.") You do not want 
to send out of Faneuil Hall a series of resolutions that have 
no basis. ("Yes they have." "You are right there.") I 
say, gentlemen, that when the United States was once sum- 
moned into Louisiana constitutionally, and when neither the 
governor nor the legislature had given any voice as to whether 
they should go out or not. President Grant was bound to 
exercise his own discretion. He did so. (Cries of "No.") 
You cannot blame him for that. A Democratic President 
would be bound to do the same thing. He keeps his troops 
there. He says, "In my conscientious opinion, responsible 
to the United States under my oath of office, I do not think 
the emergency ended." The transaction is not finished. He 
keeps his troops there ; the year breaks, the fourth day of 
January comes, the legislature assembles, the clerk proceeds 
to call the roll — listen to me, gentlemen, here is the nub of 
the question. (Cries of "Go on." "Brave it through," &c.) 
The clerk proceeds to call the roll. It was his duty to do it. 



8 

He was the only man in the State who could do it. Well, 
what takes place? (Cries of "Put your coat on.") Mr. 
Schurz shall tell you. I will not quote any questionable 
authority. Mr. Schurz shall tell you. He says : — 

" While the result was being announced a motion was made 
by a member (Mr. Billieu), to appoint L. A. Wiltz temporary 
speaker. That motion was put and declared carried, not, how- 
ever, by the clerk. Mr. Wiltz took possession of the chair," &c. 

(A voice, "Read the whole of that speech.") No ! 
that's enough for the present. I think Mr. Schurz 
well knew the significance of that fact, which he did 
not conceal. The motion was not put hy the cleric. Now, 
I assert — and if there be a parliamentary lawyer in this 
house, I challenge contradiction — (applause and cries of 
" Good") — that the moment any gentleman in that hall under- 
took to make a motion not addressed to the clerk, and to 
decide it when the clerk had not put it, or pronounced it 
carried ; and when another gentleman, under that action took 
the chair, that body ceased to be a legislature and became a 
mob. (Tremendous applause.) Drag out five men from 
the legislature of Louisiana ! It was not a legislature, it 
was a New Orleans mob ! (Tremendous applause.) What 
does General Sheridan say? (Hisses and cries of "Order" 
and "Hear him," "He lies.") Is there any man here that 
feels authorized to write liar on the brow of General Sheridan ? 
(Cries of "No.") Very well, then, listen to what General 
Sheridan says describing this scene : — 

" Mr. Vigers had not finished announcing the result when one of 
the members, Mr. Billieu, of La Fourche, nominated Mr. Wiltz 
for temporary speaker. Mr. Vigers promptly declared the motion 
out of order at that time, when some one put the question, and, 
amid cheers on the Democratic side of the House, Mr. Wiltz 
dashed on to the rostrum, pushed aside Mr. Vigers, seized the 
speaker's chair and gavel, and declared himself speaker. A pro- 
test against this arbitrary and unlawful proceeding was promptly 



9 



made by members of the majority, but Mr. Wiltz paid no atten- 
tion to these protests." * 

Now, gentlemen, conservators of law and order, (laughter) 
I will cite you a case in clear illustration of what I mean. It 
relates to Mr. John Quincy Adams, not the one who spoke 
here, (laughter) but he will allow me to say a much wiser 
man than himself. (Applause.) In 1839, the National 
House of Representatives at Washington, could not organize, 
the clerk of the House held the list in his hand and he refused 
for three days to receive a motion. Three days he stood 
there ; no matter who addressed him he refused to receive a 
motion, and the National Government was checkmated. Any 
of you old enough to remember it ? Remember the impatience 
and disgust of the nation, and the disorder reigning at Wash- 
ington. But there was not a man in the House of Representa- 
tives that saw how it could be remedied. (A voice, " Where 
was Grant?") Governor Wise, of Virginia, said, "If I had 
the choice of John Quincy Adams's epitaph, I would write 
this on the tombstone, "I will make the motion myself.'" 

The President — Put the motion. 

Mr. Phillips — Yes, put the motion. What does he refer 
to, how was it? Why, on the fourth day, when the House 
stood checkmated, amazed, confounded, no man knowing how 
to get out of the difficulty, Adams rose and said : " I move 
that the clerk proceed to call the roll ; " the clerk refused ; 
the stupified and wondering crowd around him said to Mr. 
Adams, "How do you propose to have the motion put?" 
There was not a man there who could conceive an outrage so 



* The Report of the Congressional Sub-Committee, since printed and made evidently 
in the interest of the White League, confirms General Sheridan's statement. It says :— 

" On the first call of the roll, 102 members answered to their names. It is claimed by the 
Republicans, and we believe conceded by the Democrats, that 50 of those answering to 
their names were Democrats and 52 Republicans. The instant the clerk finished the 
roll-call several members rose to their feet, but the floor was successfully held by Mr. Billieu, 
who said that he nominated L. A. Wiltz as temporary chairman. The clerk suggested 
that the legal motion was to elect a speaker. Mr. BiUieu himself paying no attention to the 
clerk, proceeded hurriedly to put his own motion, which was received by loud yeas and 
followed by loud nays, and declared it carried. Mr. Wiltz sprang instantly to the 
platform," &c., &c. 



10 



gross as that in Louisiana ; and Adams tottered forward to 
the stand and said, with supreme audacity, "I mean to put 
the motion myself." (Cries of "Good" and applause.) 

Now, gentlemen, what does that scene prove ? What does 
that three da3^s' acquiescence of the country, that three days' 
waiting of the House, that astonishment at the audacity of 
Adams when he was about to break the law, seeking its 
essence at the sacrifice of its form? Why, all that proves 
how inexorable the rigor of the parliamentary rule, that 
while the Clerk Is using proper despatch and behaving himself, 
no man can put a motion in the house but himself. 

On any other theory the patience of the House was cow- 
ardly sloth ; Mr. Adams's long waiting was ignorant stupidity. 
But grant the iron rigor of this parliamentary rule, and the 
submission of the House is honorable obedience to law, and 
Mr. Adams's final step rises to the level of sublime audacity. 
As when, in half a dozen great crises of history, some patriot 
statesman has " taken the responsibility " of breaking through 
the entanglements of law to save justice and the nation ; so 
Mr. Adams wrenched that legislative machine into running 
order. That National House of Representatives waited 
thfee days before even Adams thought such law-breaking 
justifiable. This New Orleans mob did not allow the clerk 
to finish his announcement of the results of the roll-call. 
Such being the case, the moment that gentleman, Mr. Wiltz 
under that illegal motion, took the chair — I challenge any 
legal gentleman here to answer me — that was a mob. 
(Loud applause.) I have had occasion to study this ques- 
tion, Mr. Chairman. We had a scene of that kind in this 
city in December, 1860, when Mr. Murray Howe and Mr. 
Richard Fay entered Tremont Temple. They came forward, 
and pushing aside the proper authorities of the meeting, 
jumped to the front, and Fay said, "I am Chairman." 
That was a mob. (Hisses.) Yes, that was a mob, but no 
more so than this gathering in the New Orleans State Plouse. 



11 



Very well, what was left in Louisiana? The legislature 
had been ejected from its own hall ; a mob in the eye of 
the law — answer me if I am wrong (applause, " You are 
wrong," and hisses), was in possession of the State House, 
there was nothino* left of a government in Louisiana but Gov- 
ernor Kellogg. (Hisses.) Hiss if you please, but produce the 
master of parliamentary law that will deny one of my propo- 
sitions. (Applause.) The Senate had organized. The 
House had not. It takes both to make a Le2;islature. 
There was then no Leo^islature for Kelloijo: to " convene " : 
in which case the Constitution bids the Executive act 
alone. The law-abiding members of the House — the 
majority — had asked him to replace them in their 
Hall. Accordingly, he sent, as he was bound to send, to 
the United States troops who were then in charge of 
the peace of the State — they had come there in Septem- 
ber, the President hadn't seen fit to withdraw them, they 
were lawfully there ; my friend Henry Paine, if he were 
here, would not deny it. ("Good," and applause.) Very 
well, he sends for the soldiers and says to them, " Turn that 
mob out of the State House."* (Hisses and applause.) He 
had a right to say it. (A voice, "They couldn't do it.") And 
I affirm, — having for years studied that very point of con- 
stitutional and parliamentary law, — I affirm that General De 
Trobriand and President Grant complied with every technical 
requisite of the constitutional law of the United States. 
( Tremendous applause . ) 

That, gentlemen, is for the lawyers ; that is for the men 
who undertake to say that, on the principles of the Constitu- 
tion, Grant has over-stepped his power. (Cries of "He 
has," "He has.") I challenge any man, with a legal repu- 
tation, to show it (a voice, "Evarts") on the principles of 

*It Is objected to this view, that the Governor did, in fact, only order the removal of 
five illegal members— Granted. I only state his legal authority and position. He had a 
right to choose his own method of using that authority. lie could either sweep the whole 
mob out of the State House, or only remove the most objectionable part of it— in hopes 
that, perhaps, the Democratic White League members would then join with the men of 
order, and organize the Houbo of Representatives. He had full right to choose his method. 



12 



parliamentary law. Mr. Evarts cannot change facts. Mr. 
Evarts, of course, has presented his general views of this 
constitutional question. (Cries, "Ain't he a lawyer?") 
Yes, he is a lawyer. (Cries, " And the best one in the 
country.") Yes, he is a good court-lawyer. But I am not 
aware that he has the slightest claim to be considered an 
authority in constitutional or parliamentary law. Mr. 
Adams is a lawyer ; Mr. Quincy is a lawyer ; they are all 
lawyers, and I say not a single one of them has covered 
this point in the case, has he ? (Applause, and " Yes.") Did 
anyone of them cover this point in the case? ("Yes.") 
Which of them? 

Now, gentlemen, one word more. (A voice, " Tell the 
truth, Wendell.") I want to say one more word on the sub- 
stance of the matter. (Cries of "Hear him," " Sit down," 
"Go on," "Sit down," "Free speech," and hisses.) The 
question whether President Grant was justified in his action, 
whether in using his constitutional power he used it wisely, 
honestly (cries of " Oh," and laughter) ; that depends on 
the state of affairs in Louisiana ; that depends on what, 
when he got to Louisiana under that constitutional call, he 
found there. (A voice, "He had no business there.") Did 
he find there the insubordination and "domestic violence, " 
which Governor Kellogo- alleged to exist ? What is the evi- 
dence ? 

Look at it. The first speaker on this stand was our 
distinguished fellow-citizen, General Quincy. What did he 
say ? Pie said he left live fire-brands and riot in New Orleans. 
Sheridan was with him, and saw the same. Now Sheridan 
has gone back. Mr. Quincy resides in Boston, and though 
he left discord and bloodshed in Louisiana, bethinks since it has 
been made the most of for political effect, and that it has no 
countenance from the community. Sheridan, who has gone 
back, testifies to the contrary. Which will you believe ? (Ap- 
plause.) Is not the man who has gone down and examined 
a better witness than the man who, — staying here, a thou- 



13 

sand miles off,— tells you he left that state of things, but 
thinks it is not there now? (Great applause.) Will you 
give me quiet for a single moment? (Cries of "Casey!" 
"Packard ! ") Men of Boston, I am not here to praise the 
Admmistration. If these resolutions are passed they will 
carry consternation and terror into the house of every neo-ro 
in Louisiana. (Applause, hisses and groans.) They will 
carry comfort to every assassin in New Orleans. (Hisses 
and applause.) My anxiety is not for Washington. I don't 
care who is President. My anxiety is for the hunted, tor- 
tured, murdered population, white and black, of the South- 
ern States, whom you are going to consign to the hands of 
theu' oppressors. If you pass these resolutions (cries of 
" We will," " We will ")_if you pass these resolutions (cries 
" We will," " We will")— if you pass these resolutions (cries 
" We will, " We will "),— I say it in the presence of God Al- 
mighty (cries of " Sh ! " " sh ! ")— the blood of hundreds of 
blacks and hundreds of whites will be on your skirts before 
the first day of January next. (Loud laughter.) 

Look at the evidence. President Grant's message affirms 
that "lawlessness, turbulence, and bloodshed" cover the 
whole history of reconstructed Louisiana. If he is a selfish 
politician, it would be more profitable for him to paint it all 
peace, and so gain the support of the now triumphant white 
race. If he loves fame, to claim that he has really pacified 
the South would be the cap she- " -f his glory. He has no 
temptation to exaggerate on the side of Louisiana disorder. 
General Sheridan, no partisan politician — a new observer 
— confirms the President's statement. One speaker here 
ran a parallel between Boston in 1770 and New Orleans 
now; quoting eloquent words of Samuel Adams. Well, 
Governor Warmouth, so called, killed his man in the streets 
of New Orleans the other day. I don't remember that Samuel 
Adams or John Hancock engaged in any such freaks here in 
1770 ; which shows, I think, rather a different atmosphere 
prevailing in the two cities. Democratic Congressmen tell 



14 



us that in Alabama, where this same White League exists, 
no Republican member of Congress could safely show his 
face. If the archives of this Administration could be laid 
open, I believe the nation would be amazed to learn how 
often military power had been invoked in Southern States to 
save life and prevent outbreaks. I have myself had both 
letters and persons under my own roof enough to substantiate 
all the President's charges. The very haste with which these 
White Leaguers sprung to work in that Legislative Hall, 
before any member could rightfully put a motion, shows 
conspiracy ; shows that they v\^ell knew they were in a minor- 
ity ; and that only by tricks and violence could they manage to 
get possession of the form of a legislature and overawe their 
opponents. Their illegal violence is confession that they 
hnew they had no legal means and no right to control the 
House if the law loas strictly observed. One-half of the 
State, everyone seems to forget — the black men. They 
have met in New Orleans and assert that Sheridan's charge, 
grave as it is, is only half the truth ; that the murders are 
by thousands, not hundreds, and the terror universal. 
The fact that Congress, after two years' effort, has been 
unable to fathom the bottomless muddle of Louisiana politics, 
is proof of the "lawlessness and turbulence," which Grant 
charges. It shows clearly enough, without further evidence, 
that the State never can be pacified without help from outside. 
One speaker here to-day, urged Congress to order a new 
election in Louisiana. With all due submission to the 
opinions of those Congressmen who advocate that course, I 
deny emphatically its constitutionality. If Louisiana is a 
State, as is claimed, then Congress has no right to enter its 
limits by any such legislation. The only way, I affirm it 
most emphatically, the only way out of this confusion, is for 
the Executive, — acting under the authority which Kellogg's 
call, in September, gives it, — to keep the peace of the 
State, no matter how long, until the orderly men of the State 
are able, under such protection, to establish good government 



/ 15 

there. I do not believe that any other way of bringing 
Louisiana into order is known to our system of government. 
Gentlemen may criticise and hold up their hands in hypocriti- 
cal horror ; learned Germans may come over as Senatorial 
missionaries to instruct us in our own business ; but I defy 
any man to show any other constitutional method. I know 
all such military interference is dangerous. But the fault 
rests on those whose crimes make it necessary. Of course it 
is danojerous. So are all storms. The use of o;overnments 
and statesmen, as of pilots, is to steer the ship safely through 
storms. 

I know why I came here. (A voice, "You came to 
make a row." Laughter, applause and hissing. The chair- 
man called to order, and Mr. Phillips finally proceeded.) 
Gentlemen, you know very well that this nation called 
4,000,000 of negroes into citizenship to save itself. (Ap- 
plause.) It never called them for their own sakes. It 
called them to save itself. (Cries of "Hear, hear.") And 
to-day this resolution offered in Faneuil Hall would take 
from the President of such a nation the power to protect the 
millions you have just lifted into danger. (Cries of " Played 
out," " Sit down," &c.) You won't let him protect them. 
(Cries of "No.") What more contemptible object than a 
^nation which, for its own selfish purpose, summons four mil- 
lions of negroes to such a position of peril, and then leaves 
them defenceless ? What more pitiable object than the Presi- 
dent of such a nation, vested with full power to protect such 
citizens, if he yield to this contemptible clamor, and leave 
them defenceless ? 

I have done all I intended to do. I only wanted to record 
the protest of one citizen of Boston (uproarious applause) 
against that series of resolutions. Other men recorded it by 
their absence, by their refusal to sign the Call. (Renewed 
applause.) I chose to record mine in your presence in this 
very hall, and under this very roof, where I have so often 
labored to bring these colored men into the condition 



16 



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■w Jich makes them the object of the White League's fear and 
hatred, and doubles their trouble and perils for the present. 
(Cries of "Yes, that's it," and laughter.) I should deem 
myself wanting in my duty as an old Abolitionist, (loud hiss- 
ing and applause) if I did not do everything in my power 
(cries of "Question ") to prevent a word going out from this 
hall that will make a negro or a white Republican more 
exposed to danger and more defenceless. (A great deal of, 
noise and confusion here ensued, during which three cheers 

were given for Mr. Phillips.) 

LIBRARY OF CONGRESS 



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LIBRARY OF CONGRESS 





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